2026

Aliyev’s New Year gift to Azerbaijanis: the borders will remain closed

2026-01-09

According to a decree signed by Azerbaijani Prime Minister Ali Asadov, in order to prevent the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19) and its possible consequences, the special quarantine regime in Azerbaijan has been extended until April 1, 2026. This entails a ban on passenger transportation through Azerbaijan’s land border crossing points with all neighboring countries, allowing only the departure of foreign nationals from the country and the entry of Azerbaijani citizens into the country.

The only remaining means of travel is the air transport. This is particularly problematic for residents of Azerbaijan’s border regions who have relatives in the neighbouring areas of Turkey, Russia, Georgia, and Iran. In such cases, they have to make significant expenses by traveling to the capital or the nearest airport (Ganja or Nakhijevan), then flying to another country, and only afterward reaching the place they want. This is despite the fact that the distance between their places of residence may be only a few hundred meters.

In addition, the closure of land borders has caused other socio-economic difficulties as well. Those most affected include entrepreneurs who were engaged in cross-border trade, as well those whose economic activities depended on cross-border communication.

Azerbaijan first introduced the special quarantine regime—closing its land borders with neighboring countries—in March 2020, during the global spread of the coronavirus. The restrictions have since been extended every three months. The previous decision was adopted in September 2025, setting the deadline at January 1, 2026. However, the new decision has come as a surprise to Azerbaijanis, and especially to residents of Nakhijevan, who had hoped that they would finally be able to move freely.

Although Nakhijevan’s land borders were temporarily opened during 2023, they are currently closed as well. The isolated residents of Nakhijevan are in an even more difficult situation, as their main economic activities are closely linked to Turkey and Iran.

Officially, the stated purpose of the quarantine regime has been to prevent the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19) within the country. However, the World Health Organization announced in May 2023 that COVID-19 no longer constitutes a pandemic. The Aliyev regime, while maintaining the closure of land borders, has lifted the restrictions previously in force, such as mandatory mask-wearing, limitations on leaving home, and similar measures.

The Azerbaijani president, other officials and members of parliament have later admitted that the closure of land borders has long had nothing to do with COVID-19. In September 2024, during a speech at the Milli Majlis, Aliyev emphasized that the border closures had “saved Azerbaijan from very serious disasters.” According to him, dangerous actions take place against Azerbaijan even under conditions of closed borders. Seeking to justify the restriction of his own citizens’ freedom of movement, Aliyev stated that the measures imposed had ensured stability in Azerbaijan.

Zahid Oruj, chairman of the Milli Majlis Human Rights Committee, has also justified the closure of the borders. According to him, Azerbaijan has avoided the consequences of the Russia–Ukraine and Iran–Israel conflicts by preventing the inflow of hundreds of thousands of people. Pro-government media outlets subsequently echoed these justifications for keeping the borders closed on the grounds of the “need to ensure citizens’ security,” thereby confirming that the real reason has nothing to do with the pandemic.

The Georgian press has mocked the latest decision to keep the borders closed under the pretext of the quarantine regime, likely in response to the ignoring of appeals addressed to Aliyev by Georgians and Azerbaijanis on opposite sides of the Georgian–Azerbaijani border who called for opening the border.

The continued closure of the borders with Russia and Iran is explained, in the former case, by the tensions that emerged after the downing of an Azerbaijani aircraft in December 2024, and in the latter, by the need to prevent the movement of potentially dangerous elements in the context of the Israel–Iran conflict, given Azerbaijan’s close alliance with Israel. However, such caution toward “brotherly” Turkey is at the very least suspicous, despite the large and active Azerbaijani presence in Turkey’s Igdır province, which borders Nakhijevan. It cannot be ruled out that concerns about the infiltration of terrorist groups apply not only to the border with Iran, but also to Turkey.

Beyond external threats, internal political motives and incentives to exploit the population are also evident. According to representatives of the country’s opposition, keeping the land borders closed serves the authorities’ domestic interests. There is a claim that the persecution of independent journalists, civil society actors, and opposition figures are part of a broader logic of comprehensive restrictions. Opposition sources claim that Ilham Aliyev is steadily steering Azerbaijan toward dictatorship, and that the quarantine regime has become an effective tool in this process. It is also no coincidence that the ban on crossing land borders has been accompanied by a sharp increase in repression and arrests targeting public and political figures. The fact remains that since the introduction of the quarantine regime in Azerbaijan, it has been impossible to organize demonstrations.

The quarantine regime may also be used as a tool to restrict emigration. According to a report by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), emigration of Azerbaijani citizens has increased since 2016–2017. The leading destinations are Russia, Turkey, and Germany, where Azerbaijanis settle through temporary or permanent migration procedures.

Among the real reasons for keeping the land borders closed are also considered to be the financial interests of the ruling family. The AZAL airlines, which belongs to the ruling family, earns substantial profits from those forced to travel by air. In addition, many Azerbaijanis are unable to make purchases in the more affordable markets of neighboring countries. Instead, being forced to spend their money within Azerbaijan, where the market is largely controlled by the Aliyev clan, they contribute to domestic profits. It is also argued that in this way, Azerbaijanis are prevented from witnessing innovations and socio-economic developments taking place just across the border.

In effect, closed borders serve as an excellent domestic political tool for Aliyev, allowing him to keep under full control the movement of opposition politicians, representatives of clans perceived as dangerous to the ruling family, and socially active groups. At the same time, it is clear that the Azerbaijani leadership is shielding itself from external threats while ignoring the needs, social conditions, and hardships of its own population. Instead, the decisions taken are framed as a matter of “state security,” rendering the lack of direct connectivity with Nakhijevan illogical, given that it is precisely the residents of this region who have suffered the most from the isolation policy implemented by Aliyev’s decision.

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