2025
2025
2025-10-01
The DOST (Dayanıqlı və Operativ Sosial Təminat Agentliyi – Agency for Sustainable and Operational Social Security), operating under the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Population of Azerbaijan, was established by Ilham Aliyev’s decree of August 9, 2018, financed from the President’s Reserve Fund.
A branch of the Azerbaijani DOST agency has also been opened in Karvachar. This is the third subdivision of the organization in the territory of Artsakh. The first was founded in Shushi in 2024, and the second, called Smart DOST, operates in the settlement of Aghalı in Kovsakan. The expansion of the network of branches of this socially oriented organization continues also across Azerbaijan.
With its “packaging” of social and digitalization functions, this growing “agency network” in Azerbaijan draws attention as a peculiar mechanism of governing society, ensuring both self-promotion of the Aliyev family and the establishment of yet another family monopoly through the organization.
Considering the wide-ranging activities of Azerbaijan’s First Lady Mehriban Aliyeva and the rapid pace of her career advancement, the frequent appointment of individuals linked to the Pashayev family in recent years, and the plans to establish DOST centers across the country affiliated to their name, it can be observed that the question of future power transfer is shifting from the Nakhijevan clan to the Absheron clan—moving gradually from the Aliyevs to the Pashayevs. It should be recalled that Mehriban Aliyeva holds the position of first vice president, is the president of the Heydar Aliyev Foundation, deputy chair of the ruling Yeni Azerbaijan party, and serves as Azerbaijan’s official representative in various international organizations.
Her appointment as vice president in 2017 was interpreted in different circles as preparation for replacing her husband in the office of President of Azerbaijan. It was believed that by appointing her, Ilham Aliyev aimed to ease the inter-clan rivalry between the Aliyevs and the Pashayevs—a rivalry that Heydar Aliyev had previously managed to contain through the marriage of Ilham and Mehriban.
In general, Aliyeva’s political activity is highly visible not only in domestic affairs—covering social, educational, and humanitarian issues—but also on the international stage. Her numerous visits to European countries further demonstrate that, as a senior representative of Azerbaijan, Mehriban Aliyeva has also become a recognizable figure in the West. Whereas in the past the Heydar Aliyev Foundation served as the “vehicle” for her external activities, today this role is also carried by DOST, whose presentation in the international arena is accompanied by elements of personal promotion.
Particularly noteworthy is the apparent connection between the DOST agency and Pasha Holding, owned by Mehriban’s father, Arif Pashayev, and her daughters, Leyla and Arzu. The logos of the two organizations are strikingly similar, almost identical. Combining this symbolic resemblance with the publicly available information about Mehriban and her daughters’ active involvement in DOST, one may argue that Azerbaijan’s first vice president, by promoting her family capital and expanding the network and functions of the social agency, is gradually appropriating the state governance system.
Undoubtedly, the logo of DOST may be interpreted as an image designed to resemble that of the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Population of Azerbaijan (whose minister consistently emphasizes the role of Mehriban Aliyeva’s initiative). However, the overlapping functions of the agency and the holding, such as programs in social protection and the promotion of social entrepreneurship, indicate that the country’s social sphere, and with it a major portion of societal governance, is being gradually transferred to Mehriban and her paternal branch of the family.
Evidence supporting this includes reports that the premises rented by DOST are owned by the Pashayevs or individuals linked to their companies; that DOST is given dedicated space at events organized by them; and that, for years, the same companies and individuals have repeatedly won tenders held for the agency. Moreover, the events by DOST usually take place in luxurious buildings, which the agency rents—sometimes for very large sums. Considering that this organization is sustained by the state budget and by fees collected from citizens for certain services, its maintenance costs appear quite substantial.
Equally noteworthy are the appointments of winners of various competitions organized by Pasha to leadership positions within DOST. Just as the personnel and structural changes that took place in Nakhijevan in previous years reflected the Pashayevs’ rise, so too the appointment of individuals connected to the Pashayevs or those distinguished in Pasha-organized events to positions in the DOST agency testifies to the appropriation of power through this sphere. Another indication of the Pashayevs’ growing influence is the appointment of Fuad Najafli—former senior official at Pasha Holding, as the presidential plenipotentiary representative in Nakhijevan Autonomous Republic.
Mehriban Aliyeva, as the leading figure of the Pashayev clan and a potential presidential candidate, has been strengthening her authority and accumulating the necessary public approval through social, educational, and other humanitarian initiatives. It is not accidental that the establishment and development of DOST are closely linked to her name. It has been announced that the agency was created in 2018 on her initiative to address issues in the country’s social service sector. Officials of the organization continue to emphasize that she is the author of the agency’s concept, while her aide sits on the management board, directly participating in the governance of DOST.
Another notable parallel involves the participation of a Turkish company with the same name. In October 2021, the presidents of Turkey and Azerbaijan attended the groundbreaking ceremony of an agro-park in Kovsakan, also called DOST. Not coincidentally, the $100 million project’s investors were DOST Ziraat, a company from Turkey owned by members of Erdogan’s family (his brother’s son-in-law), and Pasha Investment, one of the subsidiaries of Pasha Holding in Azerbaijan.
Equally telling, though not accidental, is the “interest” shown by other members of the family toward DOST projects. For instance, Leyla Aliyeva, who regularly visits DOST centers and is photographed with visitors, founded and heads the public association IDEA, which receives substantial support from Pasha Holding. It should be noted that the same Leyla, together with her sister and maternal grandfather Arif Pashayev, is also a shareholder of Pasha Holding. In effect, the president’s daughter, under the cover of IDEA supported by Pasha, promotes DOST, which was established on her mother Mehriban’s initiative.
Such reports indicate that the Aliyev family’s governance is unlikely to undergo significant change through future electoral processes. On the contrary, it appears that a social and humanitarian toolkit has been deliberately chosen to secure the votes of Azerbaijanis living in dire social conditions, primarily to bolster Mehriban Aliyeva’s popularity. The consistent praise she receives for establishing DOST centers, combined with her active role in social, educational, and humanitarian initiatives, suggests that, drawing on the influence of her paternal family, she is positioned to shape and govern societal life. This also indicates an ongoing transformation of power in Azerbaijan. In other words, Mehriban Aliyeva is leading the transfer of “state affairs,” which remain largely under the Nakhijevan clan, to the Pashayev branch.