“GEGHARD”
SCIENTIFIC ANALYTICAL
FOUNDATION
2025
2025
Stella Vardanyan
Keywords. Farida Mammadova, Aghwank, aghwans, concept, Azerbaijanis, natives, Armenians, newcomers, Artsakh.
From at least the first half of the 1940s, Azerbaijani historians have made every effort to present Azerbaijanis as an ancient indigenous nation. They tried to prove that the population of Artsakh has had no ties with Armenians since the early Middle Ages. To support this claim, various anti-scientific theses were put forward[1]. The founders of these fabricated theses were Z. Yampolsky, Z. Buniatov, and others, with Farida Mammadova continuing and developing these traditions. Mammadova is the author of seven monographs and ninety-six articles, most of which were published abroad and in foreign languages.
In her work "Caucasian Aghwank and the Aghwans," F. Mammadova discusses the political, social, and cultural life of "Historical Azerbaijan" - Aghwank. The book also explores the establishment of Christianity in Aghwank and the formation of the Aghwank church. Additionally, it presents the role of Aghwans in the history of Cilicia during the 11th-14th centuries. Furthermore, it purportedly investigates the origin of the Artsakh issue, artificially linking it to the subject of the study. In this monograph, Mammadova allegedly demonstrates and justifies the transformation of Aghwani ethno-cultural heritage into Armenian, attributing this transformation to what she claims was the influence of the Armenian Church of Etchmiadzin, which she argues led to its "transformation, subjected to violence by the Armenian Church of Etchmiadzin"[2].
In her scientific publications and numerous interviews, Farida Mammadova put forward the following thesis about the origin of Azerbaijanis, suggesting that they were formed from three ethnic groups: Caucasian-speaking Aghwans, Iranian-speaking Medes, Kurds, Talyshes, Tats, and Turks[3]. However, the same F. Mammadova writes: "However, I should note that the Azerbaijani people are not the direct descendants of the Aghwans; their direct descendants are the Udis, who remained loyal to the ethnic self-consciousness of the Aghwans, preserved the Aghwani language, culture, religion..." In the following years, for the development of that idea, F. Mammadova came up with the concept of one ancient Aghwani ethnos, which supposedly existed in BC. In the 1st century BC In the 8th century in the area of the Caucasian Aghwank, moreover, it began to be asserted that the Albanian ethnos continued to develop continuously in Artsakh until the 19th century. From the 9th to the 13th centuries, F. Mammadova considered as the "new stage of the political, economic, and cultural development of the Aghwans", termed as the "Aghwan Renaissance", emphasizing that "this period marks the formation of the Aghwan kingdoms", during which the descendants of the Aghwan Mihran dynasty, such as Hasan Jalal and his successors, ruled[4].
In contrast to Armenian authors, F. Mammadova rejected the idea of any Armenian state existing before the 1st century BC and up to the 5th century AD, as Armenia was then divided among Rome, Persia, and later Byzantium. She continued the line of Ziya Buniatov, suggesting that Armenians translated all Aghwan inscriptions into Armenian and distorted the "Aghwan origins."[5] Here, the Azerbaijani historian appears to contradict herself. If there were indeed no Armenians and they lacked a written language and literature, as suggested by the claim that Armenians translated Aghwan works into writing only to destroy them later, it raises questions about how such actions were possible. Additionally, the historian mentions facing numerous challenges during research due to the absence of Aghwan written monuments and historiography. The limited information available was sourced from Armenian texts, including the book of Kaghanakatvatsi, which has survived only in an old Armenian translation[6]. Given these circumstances, it becomes unclear how Farida Mammadova could assert a cultural renaissance without substantial cultural material evidence.
In discussing the residences of the Armenian Catholicos, F. Mammadova describes them as exhibiting instability due to the nomadic nature of the dioceses within the Apostolic Church. She challenges the notion of Armenian language being indigenous to the Caucasus, instead emphasizing the dominance of the Armenian ethnic group and the Armenian Church over the Aghwani Church and population. Mammadova then highlights the Armenian people's displacement from their historical homeland in the 9th to 15th centuries, suggesting they managed to preserve their language and alphabet[7], albeit with doubts about the origins of the Armenian alphabet attributed to Mesrop Mashtots, which she considers borrowed from the Ethiopians. She further raises controversies regarding Armenian script and literature, questioning the transfer of Aghwani literary heritage to a seemingly "non-existent" script and language, particularly outside the Caucasus, in Cilicia.
In order to be regarded as "valuable," the work includes distinct sections featuring accounts from ancient Iranian, Arab, Assyrian, and Georgian historians, all of whom provide information about Aghwank. However, what surprises the author is the recognition that "Armenian sources are of great importance for studying the history of early medieval Azerbaijan..." and that a considerable portion of socio-political and spiritual facts from the 4th to 9th centuries of Aghwank are indebted to these Armenian monuments[8].
Mammadova identifies the primary cause of the "Karabakh problem" as the territorial claims made by Armenians on Azerbaijan[9]. According to Mammadova, from the 4th century BC to the 8th century AD, Artsakh was a region of Caucasian Aghwank, the oldest state in Northern Azerbaijan. She asserts that Artsakh-Karabakh was never part of Armenian political entities established in Asia Minor, distant from the Caucasus. Mammadova claims that the population of Karabakh historically comprised Aghwans, as well as Turkic-speaking tribes and Kurds from the ancient period to modern times. Therefore, she argues that Artsakh has always been an integral part of Azerbaijani political entities. Mammadova cites a renowned Armenologist who translated and published Armenian sources from Grabar into Russian (possibly referring to K. Patkanov), suggesting that Armenians originally resided in the Balkans, appearing in Asia Minor only in the 13th century, and then migrating eastward to the Euphrates River[10].
She asserts, without providing justification, that "Artsakh" is referenced in the "Avesta" as the "land, territory of winds". Furthermore, she notes that "Artsakh" and "Khachen" are mentioned by Aghwani, Armenian, and Byzantine historians from the 5th to the 18th centuries, while Persian and Arab historians from the 8th to the 14th centuries referred to it as "Karabakh", a term that gained popularity from the 12th century in the works of Georgian historians[11]. Additionally, she conducts an etymological analysis of "Karabakh" as a "Turkic word" signifying "big gardens" or "black gardens"[12].
It is worth noting that Artsakh has been mentioned under various names—Tsavde world, Adakh, Tsavdek—in cuneiform inscriptions by Sarduri II and Rusa I, as well as in the works of medieval authors. The place name Artsakh is attested from the 8th century BC in the form of Adakhuni[13]. Strabo, in the 1st century BC and 1st century AD, referred to Artsakh as Orkhistina while describing Armenia. From the 14th century onward, historical sources have referred to Artsakh as Karabakh. According to Paruyr Muradyan, the name Karabakh is first mentioned in the Georgian chronicle "Kartlis Tskhovreba": "Ulo (Hulagu, the grandson of Genghis Khan) Khan ... came, reached his summer station Alatagh, and then went to the winter residence, which is now called Karabakh and Mughan."[14]
The Azerbaijani historian supposedly "justifies" the idea that the Cilician state was not Armenian, claiming it was Aghwank, and that "the creators of Armenian history fabricated this concept-legend in their writings[15]." In her work, she includes a separate subsection[16] "detailing" two phases of Aghwan migration to Asia Minor, the Balkans, and Cilicia, linking it to the 7th-10th century Paulician movement and the Seljuk invasions. She asserts that Cilicia was settled by Aghwans and considers the 13th-century historian and jurist Smbat Sparapet, the 13th-14th century historian and statesman Hetoum Patmich, the 13th-century historian Kirakos Gandzaketsi, the 12th-century Armenian writer, scientist, and church figure Nerses Lambronatsi, and all others who were born, lived, and created in Cilicia (except for the 12th-century historian Samvel Anetsi) as Aghwans[17]. Mammadova also mentions and supports one of Ziya Buniatov's "views" that Mkhitar Gosh was also an Aghwani, born in Gandzak, whose work the Armenians called "The Lawcode (Datastanagirk') of Mkhitar Gosh,"[18] while it was originally titled simply "Datastanagirk" ("The Lawcode ").
In other words, an attempt is being made to present not only Artsakh and Syunik, but also the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia as part of Azerbaijani history. The Azerbaijani historian faces a dilemma: whether to present the aforementioned figures as Caucasians based on their place of birth or their place of activity. Furthermore, there is no historical evidence suggesting that these figures were not Armenian; on the contrary, all original works were written and preserved in Armenian.
In her work, F. Mammadova resorts to a new form of historical falsification by taking but altering the idea in the text to fit her own narrative. This concerns an account by the 15th-century Persian historian Fazlullah Ruzbihan Khunji, who mentions the campaign led by Sheikh Heydar Safavi to Shirvan and Daghestan in 1488 and provides some information about the Christian inhabitants of Jalaberd (Jraber). Specifically, he mentions the Armenians who had some advantages and lived under God’s canopy[19]. However, F. Mammadova “corrects” the 15th-century historian, altering the content of V. Minorsky’s work by referring to the locals in her book as "Christian Aghwans."[20]
Mammadova has been actively criticized by Azerbaijani scholars who have labeled her as an "Armenian spy" and a "traitor to the motherland." The basis of the criticism is a historical map titled "Albania and its Neighboring Countries in the 2nd-1st Centuries BC," which features the Kingdom of Greater Armenia[21]. F. Mammadova's main critics include Yagub Mahmudov[22], the director of the Institute of History at the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences; and the deputy director Jabi Bahramov[23]; and scholars from the Nakhichevan branch of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences. They have concluded that her book is based on erroneous sources[24].
In the late 1980s and 1990s, Mammadova actively promoted her theory both in the press[25] and at international conferences[26].
In another of his works, titled "Movses Kaghankatvatsi's 'History of Aghwans' as a Source for Understanding the Social Structure of Caucasian Albania “Aghwank” " the historian discusses the 7th-century historian Movses Kaghankatvatsi's "History of Aghwans." In this analysis, the historian regards Movses Kaghankatvatsi as an Aghwani, non-Armenian, whose original work was supposedly written in the Gargar language, later translated into Armenian, and the original text was lost. There are also attempts to appropriate the work "Lamentation over the Death of the Great Prince of Juanshir," which is an integral part of the larger work. A false assertion is made that "Lament " was also originally written in Gargar and then translated into Armenian. The historian further considers this work as a representative example of Aghwani literature, misspells Davtak Kertogh's name as "Devdek," and refers to him as "Azerbaijani Shehir."
Mammadova has emphasized multiple times that the Aghwans and Armenians were distinct ethnic groups. She refers to Movses Kaghankatvatsi and points out that Movses Khorenatsi, the historian, lived in the 8th century, not the 5th. Moreover, she notes that Movses Khorenatsi "shamed" the Armenians by composing "Lament"[27]. However, Mammadova does not acknowledge the verses found in Movses Khorenatsi's "History of Armenia"[28]. These verses pertain to the creation myth, tracing the lineage from Tiras' sons, through Habet's lineage, from which Torgom, the progenitor of Armenians, descended. Fifteen generations later, descendants of Habet included Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Aghwans, and other ethnic groups, all of whom had literature[29].
In her other work, titled "Political History and Historical Geography of Aghwank (3rd BC - 8th century AD),[30]" Farida Mammadova once again relies on her and others' historically unfounded concepts to advance the false thesis, supposedly also serving as justification, that the Armenian territories of Artsakh, Utik, Paytakaran, and Syunik, which she considers part of "historical Azerbaijan," were inhabited by the ancestors of the Azerbaijani people, the Aghwans. She then discusses Aghwan as a complete, centralized political-state entity (allegedly from the 3rd century BC to the mid-8th century), claiming that its borders remained "unchanged" during that period. According to her, the northern border was the Main Caucasian Mountain Range, the southern border was the Araks River, the eastern border was the Caspian Sea, and the western border was the Alazani River. The maps included in the book depict the borders of Aghwank extending almost to Lake Sevan, referred to as Gökcha, and the Vorotan River as Bargyushat, among others. However, these maps present historical periods from the 3rd to 1st centuries BC with Turkic names, which emerged much later.
Furthermore, in this book, the Azerbaijani historian considers Syunik and Nakhichevan to be among the main settlements of Aghwan tribes, distinguishing between Syunik and Artsakh languages, thereby not only acting as a "historian" but also as a "linguist," which raises questions about the scientific accuracy related to the Indo-European language family. Farida Mammadova describes this work as an attempt to comprehensively address issues related to the history of Aghwank. However, in reality, it contains anti-scientific assertions with a clear anti-Armenian bias, aimed at aligning the borders of Aghwank with those of Azerbaijan[31].
Mammadova's concept is disseminated in her scholarly works through various formulations, focusing on the borders of Aghwank, Aghwan script and culture, and Armenian historians portrayed as Aghwani. This deliberate and targeted approach aims to address the core issues underlying the concept and promote it as a new reality.
In response to Mammadova's "scientific theses," both Armenian and foreign historians[32] have countered with historical facts and have presented numerous works to the global scientific community to expose the falsehood[33]. These works[34] substantiate the actual boundaries of the original Aghwank, contradicting not only F. Mammadova but also Azerbaijani historians whose scientific endeavors rely on these fabricated concepts.
Azerbaijani historiography not only presents "Azerbaijani" identity to Armenians but also to Iranian figures like Nizami Ganjavi[35], a 12th-century Persian poet, and Khaqani Shirvani[36]. This historical falsification is sponsored at the state level, as acknowledged by F. Mammadova herself, who noted that Armenians publish 15-19 books annually, prompting Heydar Aliyev to demand scientific criticism for each publication [37]. The thesis propagated by the Azerbaijani political leadership that Armenians are newcomers continues to be circulated.
Today, the Heydar Aliyev Foundation persists in financing the publication and dissemination of literature containing extreme anti-Armenian propaganda. Azerbaijani editions of such materials are now produced in various European languages and distributed free of charge to universities and libraries worldwide[38].
In conclusion, since the 1960s, Azerbaijani authorities have made significant efforts to construct a historical narrative and claim ancient cultural heritage for their newly established nation. Azerbaijani historians, led by figures like F. Mammadova, implemented a strategic approach, particularly by publishing their studies in Russian and other languages. F. Mammadova, in particular, sought to diminish Armenia's historical significance by elevating the narrative of Aghwank. Through historical inaccuracies, she expanded Aghwank's borders, nearly reaching Lake Sevan in the southwest, and employed Turkic geographical names. The overarching goal of Mammadova's presented "theses" was clear: to align the historical borders of Aghwank with modern Azerbaijan, proclaim the Aghwans as ancestors of Azerbaijanis, and assert territories like Artsakh, Utik, and Syunik as part of "historical Azerbaijan." These fabrications and distortions of history serve a clear agenda: to construct a grandiose historical legacy for the newly formed "Historical Azerbaijan," established in the South Caucasus in 1918, and to claim its population as indigenous people with a five-thousand-year history.
[1] Гарабаг: Курекчай-200 [Garabag: Kurekchay-200]. Национальная академия наук Азербайджана, институт истории им. А.А. Бакиханова [National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, A.A. Bakikhanov Institute of History], Баку [Baku], 2005, с. 3-31.
[2] Фарида Мамедова, *Кавказская Албания и албаны* [Caucasian Albania and the Albanians], Баку [Baku], 2005, с. 144.
[3] Ibid., с. 615.
[4] Movses Kagankatvatsi, "History of the Aghwans " Yerevan, 1969, p. 132: According to the historian, the Mihranid dynasty had a Persian origin.
[5] Ziya Buniyatov, "Новое исследование по истории Азербайджанского государства Саджидов (889-929 гг.)," *New Research on the History of the Sajid State of Azerbaijan (889-929 AD)*, *Известия АНДРЕЯ АзСССР*, 1980, № 3, с. 97.
[6] Mammadova, F., "Кавказская Албания и албаны" [Caucasian Albania and the Albanians], Baku, 2005, p. 8.
[7] Ibid., p. 120.
[8] ^2 Ibid., p. 132.
[9] Farida Mammadova, "Причинно-следственная связь карабахской проблемы" [Causal Relationship of the Karabakh Issue], February 25, 2012.
[10] ^1 Mammadova, F., *Kavkazskaya Albania i albany* [Caucasian Albania and the Albanians], Baku, 2005, pp. 646-649.
[11] Ibid., p. 647.
[12] Vardanyan, A., & Margaryan, G. "Խորանարան հանրագիտարանում Ղարաբաղ անվանման ճշգրիտ ստուգաբանությունը" [The precise examination of the name Karabakh in the Encyclopedic Dictionary]. *Revue des Etudes Armeniennes*, 2016, vol. 37, pp. 155-172. DOI: 10.2143/REA.37.0.3237122.
[13] Բ. Ուլուբաբյան, «Արցախի պատմությունը սկզբից մինչև մեր օրերը» [B. Ulubabyan, *History of Artsakh from the Beginning to the Present Day*], Երևան [Yerevan], 1994, էջ [pp.] 7-12.
[14] «Վրաց ժամանակագրություն», թարգմ. հին վրացերենից՝ առաջաբանը և ծանոթությունը Պ. Մուրադյանի [*The Georgian Chronicle*, translated from Old Georgian with preface and notes by P. Muradyan], Երևան [Yerevan], 1971, էջ [p.] 112.
[15] Фарида Мамедова, *Кавказская Албания и албаны* [Caucasian Albania and the Albanians], Баку [Baku], 2005, p. 650.
[16] Ibid., p. 413.
[17] Ibid.,p.413-432
[18] Մխիթար Գոշ, *Դատաստանագիրք հայոց*, edited by Վ. Բաստամյանց, Վաղարշապատ, 1880 (listed as 1880 on the title page, but actually published in 1884).
[19] V. Minorsky, Persia in A.D. 1478-1490, An abridged translation of Fadlullah b. Ruzbihan Khunji’s Tarikh-I ‘Alam-Ara-hi amin’ published by the royal asiatic society of Great Britain and Ireland, London 1957, p․ 71-78.
[20] Фарида Мамедова, *Кавказская Албания и албаны* [Caucasian Albania and the Albanians], Баку [Baku], 2005, p. 593.
[21] Ibid.,p.794.
[22] *Албания или Атропатена? Как «сочиняют» древнюю историю Кавказа* [Albania or Atropatene? How the Ancient History of the Caucasus Is Fabricated].
[23] A scandal has erupted around the recently published book by Farida Mammadova, "Caucasian Albania and the Albanians."
[24] Farida Mammadova's book "Caucasian Albania and the Albanians" came under criticism at the Nakhchivan branch of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan.
[25] "Азербайджанские известия," *Azərbaycan xəbərləri*, 6 марта 2018, pp. 1-2.
[26] Farida Mammadova, Le probleme de l'ethnos alban-caucasien // "Redards sur L’anthropologie Sovie'tique", volume, XXXI (2-3), avril - septembre 1990. Editions de l'ecole des hautes e'tudes en sciences sosiales. Paris, 1990; Farida Mammadova Au sujet des dirigeants albaniens du IXe au XVe siecle (Dunastic des Djalalides) // Turcica, t. XXI- XXIII, 1991. Melanges offerts a'Irene Melicoff․
[27] Farida Mammadova, *Caucasian Albania and the Albanians*, Baku, 2005, p. 417.
[28] M. Խորենացի [M. Khorenatsi], *Հայոց պատմություն* [History of Armenia], Yerevan, 1981, Book 1, Head D,pp. 98-103. Movses Kagankatvatsi, *History of the Aghuans*, Yerevan, 1969, Book 1, Head A, pp. 1.
[29] Ibid., pp. 2-3.
[30] Farida Mammadova, *Политическая история и историческая география Кавказской Албании: (III в. до н. э. - VIII в. н. э)* [Political History and Historical Geography of Caucasian Albania: (3rd century BC - 8th century AD)], Baku, "Элм" [Elm], 1986.
[31] Farida Mammadova, *Политическая история и историческая география Кавказской Албании: (III в. до н. э. - VIII в. н. э)* [Political History and Historical Geography of Caucasian Albania: (3rd century BC - 8th century AD)], Baku: "Элм" [Elm], 1986, p. 240.
[32] V.A. Shnirelman, *Войны памяти: мифы, идентичность и политика в Закавказье* [Wars of Memory: Myths, Identity, and Politics in the Caucasus], Moscow: ИКС "Академкнига" [ICS "Academkniga"], 2003.
[33] Հ.Ս. Սվազյան [H.S. Sivazyan], *Աղվանից աշխարհի պատմություն (հնագույն շրջանից - 8-րդ դարը ներառյալ)* [History from Aghwank to the World (from the earliest period to the 8th century)], ՀՀ ԳԱԱ «Գիտություն» հրատարակչություն [Publishing House of NAS RA "Science"], Yerevan, 2006.
[34] A.A. Акопян [A.A. Akopyan], *Албания - Алуанк в греко-латинских и древнеармянских источниках* [Albania - Aluank in Greco-Latin and Ancient Armenian Sources], "Гитутюн" [Gitutyun], НАН РА [National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia], Ереван [Yerevan], 2022.
[35]Nizami Ganjavi, born in Ganjak in the 12th century, a prominent Persian poet.
[36] Khakani Shirvani, born in Shirvan in the 12th century, was a Persian poet, linguist, and scholar. His work, dedicated to the study of Tat language and the ethnography of Tat-speaking populations, particularly focused on the linguistic characteristics and geographical distribution of the Tat dialect. She conducted extensive research on the dialect spoken in Malham village. According to T. Aghayev, Shirvani's work provides valuable information about Malham's linguistic history, suggesting that the village has been a center for Tat speakers since the 12th century. This observation contributes to the discussion on Shirvani's aspiration to become a Tat-speaking poet.
[37] Newspaper "ECHO", No. 76 (1316), Sat, April 29, 2006.
[38] Galchyan, R. War History, Azerbaijan and Armenia: Legends and Facts. Yerevan, 2010, pp. 142-143.